Arms trafficking


Weapons trafficking or gunrunning is the illicit trade of contraband small arms, explosives, and ammunition, which constitutes part of a broad range of illegal activities often associated with transnational criminal organizations. The illegal trade of small arms, unlike other organized crime commodities, is more closely associated with exercising power in communities instead of achieving economic gain. Scholars estimate illegal arms transactions amount to over US$1 billion annually.
To keep track of imports and exports of several of the most dangerous armament categories, the United Nations, in 1991, created a Register for Conventional Arms. Participation, however, is not compulsory, and lacks comprehensive data in regions outside of Europe. Africa, due to a prevalence of corrupt officials and loosely enforced trade regulations, is a region with extensive illicit arms activity. In a resolution to complement the Register with legally binding obligations, a Firearms Protocol was incorporated into the UN Convention on Transnational Organized Crime, which requires states to improve systems that control trafficked ammunition and firearms.
The 1999 Report of the UN Panel of Governmental Experts on Small Arms provides a more refined and precise definition, which has become internationally accepted. This distinguishes between small arms, which are weapons designed for personal use, and light weapons, which are designed for use by several persons serving as a unit. Ammunition and explosives also form an integral part of small arms and light weapons used in conflict.

Impact

Areas

Although arms trafficking is widespread in regions of political turmoil, it is not limited to such areas, and for example, in South Asia, an estimated 63 million guns have been trafficked into India and Pakistan.
The suppression of gunrunning is one of the areas of interest in the context of international law. In the United Nations, there has been widespread support to implement international legislation to prevent arms trafficking, however, it has been difficult to implement, due to many different factors that allow for arms trafficking to occur.

Asia

Arms trafficking in Asia is a multifaceted issue, deeply intertwined with regional conflicts, organized crime, and governance challenges. In Southeast Asia, porous borders and post-conflict zones facilitate the smuggling of firearms, often linked to non-state actors, including separatists, criminal syndicates, and terrorist groups. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations has recognized the gravity of this problem and has initiated cooperative measures, such as the ASEAN Plan of Action in Combating Transnational Crime, to enhance information exchange and law enforcement capacity building.
In South Asia, countries like India face significant challenges due to the influx of illegal small arms, which exacerbate internal security issues and insurgencies. The United Nations has facilitated regional workshops to address gun violence and illicit small arms trafficking, emphasizing the need for a gender perspective in policy formulation.
Western Asia, particularly the Middle East, has become a hotspot for arms trafficking, with weapons often recycled from past conflicts. This proliferation fuels ongoing instability and empowers organized crime groups, leading to a cycle of violence and insecurity. Efforts to combat arms trafficking in Asia are further complicated by the involvement of transnational organized crime groups, which operate across borders and engage in various illicit activities, including arms smuggling. International initiatives, like the United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime and its protocols, aim to provide a framework for cooperation and legal measures to address these challenges.

Israel and Palestine

Prior to the founding of Israel, law enforcement of the British Mandate of Palestine uncovered a cache of weapons in 359 drums of cement during the 1935 Cement Incident. Although no arrests were made, the listed recipient was a Jewish merchant named J. Katan. The incident led to a series of protests from Arab communities, and violent reprisals by armed groups loyal to Sheikh Izz ad-Din al-Qassam.
Shortly after the State of Israel was declared on May 14, 1948, the Arab-Israeli war broke out. During the war, the United States and later the United Nations imposed an arms embargo targeting all sides. Both Israel and the Arab League bought weapons from the black market to supply their forces. Notably, Czechoslovakia supplied Israel during Operation Balak and Operation Velvetta. Czechoslovakia also attempted to supply weapons to Syria on behalf of the Arab Liberation Army.
Throughout the Cold War, Israel still smuggled military equipment on a small scale. One example was the acquisition of five Sa'ar 3-class missile boat in the Cherbourg Project. These vessels were purchased from France, but were not delivered due to an arms embargo. Meanwhile, the Palestine Liberation Organization and other Palestinian armed groups secretly received weapons from the Warsaw Pact before official relations began.
Post-Cold War, groups such as Hamas smuggle weaponry via underground tunnels and boats. Other weapons are acquired through purchasing from corrupt Israel Defense Forces soldiers or theft from Israeli settlements in the West Bank.
Ahmed Jibril, the leader of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command claimed responsibility for attempting to smuggle weapons into the Gaza Strip using the Santorini fishing boat. The IDF claimed to disrupt other smuggling runs in the Karine A affair, Francop Affair, the Klos C cargo ship seizure, and the Victoria Affair.

Iran

's arms trafficking operations are primarily orchestrated by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps' Quds Force, notably through its specialized units, Unit 190 and Unit 700. These units are responsible for clandestine weapons transfers to Iranian-aligned groups across the Middle East, including Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Gaza, the Houthis in Yemen, and various militias in Syria and Iraq.
Unit 190 specializes in smuggling weapons by land, sea, and air, employing covert methods such as disguising arms shipments as civilian goods and using front companies to obscure the true nature of their operations. Unit 700, led by Ali Naji Gal Farsat, focuses on logistics and maritime smuggling routes, facilitating arms deliveries to Hezbollah via the Port of Beirut. These operations have adapted to regional dynamics, shifting from overland routes through Syria to maritime channels to evade detection.
In Yemen, Iran's support has significantly enhanced the military capabilities of the Houthi rebels, enabling them to conduct attacks on international shipping and regional adversaries. Despite international sanctions and efforts to curb these activities, Iran continues to provide advanced weaponry and training to the Houthis, contributing to ongoing instability in the region.
Iran has also been implicated in attempts to smuggle weapons into the West Bank, aiming to arm Palestinian factions and foment unrest against Israel. Israeli security forces have intercepted multiple shipments of Iranian-made weapons, including advanced arms intended for terror operatives in the region.

Myanmar (Burma)

Since the end of World War II, both the Myanmar military juntas and various rebel groups relied on smuggled arms to equip themselves. During the Cold War, weapons for anti-communist groups and the Communist Party of Burma were smuggled with indirect CIA and CCP support via Thailand and China, respectively. After the end of the Vietnam War, AK-47s, M-79 grenade launchers, and M16s began flowing into the hands of rebel groups such as U Nu's Parliamentary Democracy Party.
Meanwhile, the authoritarian government under Ne Win imported G3 rifles and MG3 machine guns from West Germany in 1962 after student protests were violently suppressed. The State Administration Council junta under Min Aung Hlaing bought weapons and spare parts via Thai and Singapore intermediaries.
During the post-Cold War conflict, smuggled weaponry primarily consists of small arms cloned from the Chinese Type 56 and Type 81 platforms by the Kachin Independence Army and United Wa State Army. After the UWSA announced a restriction of weapons supply on August 28, 2025, speculation arose that this announcement contributed to a spike in black market arms prices. However, various factions still source their weapons from neighboring countries such as Thailand or India.

North Korea

North Korea, via Room 39, engages in weapons smuggling to increase its foreign currency reserves. One alleged recipient of North Korean weaponry was the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. According to Professor Rohan Gunaratna, several LTTE members claimed that weapons were purchased with payments concluding at the Embassy of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in Beijing. Around the same time, the former Sri Lanka Minister of Finance, Basil Rajapaksa supposedly admitted in a newspaper interview that the government bought weapons from North Korea during the Sri Lankan Civil War. Rajapaksa denied making those remarks.
When Panama detained the North Korean cargo ship, Chong Chon Gang, in mid-2013, it carried missile parts and MiG 21 planes from Cuba

Philippines

During the rule of Ferdinand Marcos, the New People's Army attempted to smuggle weapons from China in the MV Karagatan incident.
Aside from internal theft and cross-border smuggling, criminals and insurgents in the Philippines source weapons from unlicensed workshops making firearms ranging from imitations of the 1911 pistol to single-shot.50 BMG long guns.

Americas

Argentina

Under the presidency of Carlos Menem, 6,500 tons of weapons, including FAL rifles and howitzers, were smuggled to Croatia and Ecuador during the Yugoslav Wars and Cenepa War, respectively. The end-user certificates listed the destinations as Panama and Venezuela. These arms transfers violated UN arms embargos and peace treaties.